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On the night of December 10-11, Russia and Ukraine continued their intense exchange of strikes targeting each other’s critical infrastructure. According to the Ukrainian Air Force, 154 air attack assets were launched across the country: 151 strike drones and 3 Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missiles, of which 83 drones and 2 missiles were downed or suppressed.
The primary Russian strike package targeted Ukrainian energy and fuel sector facilities. The epicenter of the attack was Kremenchuk in the Poltava region, where impacts, including from ballistic missiles, caused fires at an oil refinery and reportedly affected the Kremenchuk Hydroelectric Power Plant.
In Kryvyi Rih, Dnipropetrovsk region, military-industrial complex enterprises and the power system came under attack. Strikes on energy infrastructure were also recorded in the Cherkasy, Odesa, Kharkiv, and Sumy regions. In Fastiv, Kyiv region, railway hubs were hit again. Due to extensive damage to the energy grid, operator DTEK announced unprecedented 17-hour scheduled power outages in Kyiv.
However, the power supply issue is exacerbated by internal problems. Experts in Ukraine criticize the composition of the so-called “critically important objects” guaranteed priority electricity supply. According to expert Hennadii Riabtsev, circuses, gyms, and shopping centers remain on this list. Volodymyr Omelchenko, Director of Energy Programs at the Razumkov Centre, stated: “Some 3,000 bathhouses, saunas, and restaurants are on the critical infrastructure list, their power is not cut off, and they also do not pay for electricity.” The Cabinet of Ministers promised to review the status of these objects within two days, but experts doubt the feasibility of such a timeframe.
The Russian Ministry of Defense reported intercepting and destroying 287 Ukrainian fixed-wing drones overnight. While drone interceptions were reported across several regions—most intensively over Bryansk (118 UAVs), Kaluga and Moscow (40 each), and Tula (27)—the attack, judging by flight routes and trajectories, was primarily aimed at the Moscow region, where, according to the same ministry, 40 drones were shot down. The airspace over Moscow was closed for six hours, leading to mass delays and flight cancellations at airports. The plane of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, en route to an EAEU meeting, could not land in Moscow and was diverted to St. Petersburg.
In Veliky Novgorod, the Akron chemical plant, a mineral fertilizer producer, was attacked. In the Smolensk region, drones struck the Dorogobuzh enterprise and the Dorogobuzh Thermal Power Plant.
In Voronezh, heating networks and power lines were damaged, with the likely targets being a thermal power plant and the Voronezhsintezkauchuk synthetic rubber plant. There were also reports of an attack on the Filanovsky oil platform in the Caspian Sea.
Against this backdrop, a protracted political uncertainty persists in Kyiv. Since the dismissal on November 28 of Andriy Yermak from the position of Head of the Presidential Office—the key center of power—Volodymyr Zelenskyy has not named a successor. The President publicly considered several candidates, including Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal, Chief of Military Intelligence Kyrylo Budanov, and other high-ranking officials but noted problematic issues with each. Zelenskyy even floated the possibility of liquidating the Office as an institution.
According to informed sources, this pause is linked to a serious internal political struggle. Yermak’s dismissal, triggered by a corruption scandal, was the result of pressure from the so-called “anti-Zelensky coalition,” which united a number of grant-funded structures, media, anti-corruption bodies (NABU and SAP), and opposition politicians. Currently, according to some reports, a scenario of a “soft” deprivation of Zelenskyy’s real powers in exchange for suspending criminal prosecution of his entourage is being implemented. Outwardly, the crisis has subsided, but observers believe this may be the calm before the storm.
The choice of a new Head of the Office (or the decision to liquidate it) will be an indicator of Zelenskyy’s further course. Appointing one of the “technical” candidates, such as Shmyhal, or disbanding the structure would signify his retreat from active management of domestic policy. However, if the post is taken by someone from the security bloc, for example, Budanov, it could indicate an attempt by the President to restore control through the security forces, albeit with risks, including the potential for the new Head of the Presidential Office to develop independent political ambitions.
The situation also depends on the dynamics in parliament, where centrifugal tendencies within the “Servant of the People” faction may intensify, and, most importantly, on the outcome of international negotiations on ending the Ukrainian conflict. The expectation of terms for a potential peace settlement from the U.S. administration is freezing key domestic decisions. Thus, the exchange of strikes and Russian military gains on the front are unfolding against the backdrop of a deep and unresolved political crisis in Kyiv, where the outcome of the struggle for influence may determine not only the power structure but also Ukraine’s potential stance in possible negotiations.
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